I was puzzled by different entry points for TA documents?
If I start at Palmetto MolDx home page
For example the first form GEN-CQM-003 Checklist, seems to be V1 2023.
But if I use Google I get here:
I was puzzled by different entry points for TA documents?
https://www.cms.gov/files/document/r13008pi.pdf
Unrelated:
Certain very tedious audits for NCDs (re: Comment on Med Adv using "only NCDs."
https://www.cms.gov/files/document/r12990cp.pdf
The MRD TA form at MOLDX inquires about presurgical patients and post surgical patients. Post surgical patients are divided into those with cancer and those without cancer. How does it define the latter?
Not on the TA form.
Go to the LCD itself, as MolDx explains below.
tagmedicareadvantage, tagoutofnetowork
Examining Health Through a Marxist Lens
In 2024, NEJM had two articles on Nazism and 1930s medicine, as covered by NEJM.
NEJM 2024 Abi-Rached
The first 2024 article was, Abi-Rached & Brandt, Nazism and the Journal, 390:1157-61.
https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp2307319
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NEJM 2024 REEDE
The second 2024 NEM article was, Reede JY et al., Eugenics, Nazism, and the Journal, 391:e50 [published as a transcript].
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39536237/
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Harvard Gazette covered the Abi-Rached & Brandt article in May 2024. "How do you read organization's silence over the rise of Nazism?" by Alvin Powell.
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The two 2024 NEJM articles (with shared authorship) focus on the relative silence of NEJM on German medicine, save for the single Davis article.
A comparison was made with JAMA (which had somewhat more articles on Nazism).
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First, I hope that the citation to Davis led some readers to the 1935 original article, easily available via the NEJM archive. Many themes in German medicine of the 1930s echo today - urban versus rural, public health vs treatment of disease, politics of physician organizations, specialists vs generalists, funding, etc.
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Second, the deliberate 2024 focus on what is found inside of medical journal archives may miss an important point.
There have a been a number of popular history books in the last few years about Nazism and pro-German sentiment in the US during the 1930s. (Lindbergh vs Roosevelt, Duffy, 2010; Those Angry Days 1939-1941, Olson, 2013, Hitler's American Friends, Hart, 2018, others).
Since NEJM is an academic journal, of special interest is the late Stephen Norwood's book, "The Third Reich in the Ivory Tower," Cambridge Univ Press, 2011.
And focusing on Boston and Massachusetts - Available open access is a 2008 chapter by Norwood in the journal, American Jewish History, Johns Hopkins MUSE, page 38, "Legitimzing Nazis: Harvard University and the Hitler Regime 1933-1937."
https://www.scribd.com/document/212918635/Harvard-e-Hitler-33-37
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jF0W51YVlSdKZ0jlnY5u0bSHkWmtimxW/view?usp=sharing
Cf. debates about when to continue exchanges with German universities, are in some ways mirrored by debates or swings on political correctness today; WSJ 2024.
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The relative silence of NEJM, and the brevity of Davis' reference to Jewish physicians, becomes clearer in the context of work like Norwood's.
It is difficult to view 1934 except through the lens of the Hoocaust and 1945. However, when 1933 and 1934 were unfolding, Nazism had a smaller role in world politics. Even the frightful early persecution of Jewish physicians in 1933, 1934, might have been compared to the treatmentt of Black physicians in the US (among numerous examples), which also likely had minimal if any coverage in JAMA and NEJM in 1935.
[Re Black persecution in the US and Jewish persecution in Germany, see Hitler's American Model, Whitman, 2017].
In summary. The limited coverage of Nazism in NEJM during 1935, could have been compared to pro-Nazism at the same time at Harvard (Norwood), although this takes us out of the narrow domain of medical journal studiesm the boundary set by Abi-Rached for their essay. See also, in the Powell Harvard Gazette interview, Brandt comments, "The Davis piece is remarkable for its opacity, its ability to focus on a [economic] reform and not have any context around it." But the Abi-Rached Brandt article also takes a rather narrow focus, focusing on NEJM with relatively little on the more general partly pro-Nazi society as documented by Norwood, Hart, and others. That is, we could say Abi-Rached and Brandt were remarkable for their ability to focus only on the contents of NEJM, and not set a broader mileu of events that year for the reader.
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One could also say, Abi-Rached is concerned that Davis 1935 talked primarily on German social medicine, and said very little about Jewish exclusion and persecution. But, Abi-Rached was very concerned with publications in the 1935 NEJM, and could have taken a broader stance discussing the pro-Nazi movements in academia and society at the same time.
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There is a recent book on quite sharp leftward and rightward swings in AMA politics, 1880s-1980s, in which the 1930s chapter is pertinent. Peter A Swenson, 2021, Disorder: A history of reform, reaction, and money in American medicine.
Where do the two briefs have the tightest overlap?
The ACLA and AMP briefs overlap significantly in their critiques of the FDA's final rule regulating laboratory-developed tests (LDTs). The key areas of overlap include:
Major Questions Doctrine:
Definition of a Device under the FDCA:
Conflict with CLIA:
Economic and Practical Consequences:
Arbitrary and Capricious Rulemaking:
Practice of Medicine Exemption:
These shared arguments reflect a unified stance from the lab industry, emphasizing that the FDA’s final rule oversteps statutory boundaries, conflicts with existing regulation, and would harm patient care and innovation.
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I don't have access to the government's response, that is, the FDA's response and final brief. However, what can we infer about the FDA's responses and counter-arguments, from the moving parties' final briefs.
While the FDA’s final brief is not available, we can infer key aspects of its arguments and counterpoints based on how the ACLA and AMP briefs respond to and refute them. Here’s an analysis of what the FDA likely argued and how the moving parties addressed those points:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
FDA’s Likely Argument:
Response by ACLA and AMP:
From the ACLA and AMP responses, it is clear that the FDA’s arguments hinge on broad statutory interpretations, historical assertions of authority, and a separation of regulatory focus between CLIA and the FDCA. However, both briefs effectively challenge these positions by emphasizing statutory text, legislative history, and the practical consequences of the FDA’s actions. This alignment suggests a strong unified opposition to the FDA’s rule within the lab industry.
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What arguments are unique to ACLA or unique to AMP?
there are several noteworthy arguments unique to either the ACLA or AMP closing briefs, reflecting their differing emphases and approaches to opposing the FDA’s final rule:
FDA's Inconsistent Enforcement History:
Focus on Economic Disruption:
Role of Laboratories as Service Providers:
Critique of FDA’s Ad Hoc Enforcement Policies:
Practice of Medicine Exemption:
Conflict with CLIA’s Comprehensive Regulation:
Detailed Examination of the Major Questions Doctrine:
Use of Analogies to Surgical Procedures:
Critique of FDA’s Statutory Interpretation:
These distinctions reflect complementary strategies, with ACLA targeting the rule’s real-world implications and AMP focusing on the legal framework. Together, they form a robust opposition to the FDA’s final rule.